New Year's smile from my Mom!

Addis Ababa
I asked my mother to smile for the photo, and she playfully obliged.



Hibiscus moscheutos 'Luna White' (Hardy Hibiscus) is a compact and well-branched perennial noted for its huge, snow-white flowers, 8 in. across (20 cm), adorned with a ruby-red center. Blooming continuously from midsummer to fall, the gigantic flowers display conspicuous, protruding, creamy-white tubes of stamens. [Source]
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The term "hardy hibiscus" generally refers to cultivars of Hibiscus moscheutos that are bred to tolerate colder temperatures than most Hibiscus species, most of which are tropical species. These cold-hardy varieties are also known as "perennial hibiscus." Most hardy hibiscus will reliably tolerate temperatures as far north as zone 5, but even zone 4 gardeners may be able to find varieties suitable for their growing conditions. [Source]
Here is my patterned rendition.







Seen by day, these chunky herons seem dull and lethargic, with groups sitting hunched and motionless in trees near water. They become more active at dusk, flying out to foraging sites, calling 'wok' as they pass high overhead in the darkness. Some studies suggest that they feed at night because they are dominated by other herons and egrets by day. A cosmopolitan species, nesting on every continent except Australia and Antarctica [Source: The National Audubon Society].
Marshes, shores; roosts in trees. Found in a wide variety of aquatic habitats, around both fresh and salt water, including marshes, rivers, ponds, mangrove swamps, tidal flats, canals, ricefields. Nests in groves of trees, in thickets, or on ground, usually on islands or above water, perhaps to avoid predators.
This fits perfectly with the conservancy's landscape of:
Forest, tablelands, meadows, ravines, wetlands, creeks, and the Credit River

Oromo youth need to speak Amharic in order to be fully Ethiopian. This is the reality, and the practicality. PM Abiy, son of an Oromo father and an Amhara mother, speaks in Amharic on all his functions, and speaks Oromigna AND Amharic at Oromo-centered events when he visits local regions (and I think he also speaks some - minimal - Tigrigna). I would say that ALL Ethiopians speak Amharic, and their local, ethnic-based languages, but only the Amhara speak ONLY Amharic. The Ethiopian society is based around the Amharic language.
He [an Oromo job-seeker] believes even though his name is not explicitly an Oromo name there are some indicators such as his birthplace and language that could have hampered his chance of joining the company.
I still stand with my statement that Amharic is the lingua franca of Ethiopia. Without knowledge of Amharic, these Oromo youth reduce greatly their ability to participate in the country's economic enterprises.
Someone has to tell them this.
Beshir's "follow-up" is an esoteric discussion of "language."I’m fascinated by form and language, and ways of delivering it, and just cinema itself, and what it’s doing, and what I can do.”
“I am not just inspired, but I am excited about African cinema, and what those incredible filmmakers are doing. (Saul Williams and Anisia Uzeyman’s sci-fi hip-hop musical set in Rwanda) Neptune Frost breaks open the imagination and possibilities of the future. It’s an incredible time for African cinema.”
Here is PM Abiy in Harar, in the Oromo region, visiting and inaugurating a Dire Dawa Free Trade Zone (from his Facebook page):
If Beshir were really up to it, and not in her mental cinematic mood, which apparently isn’t going away any time soon, she would contact these local Oromo centers, and why not, PM Abiy himself, to go ahead with putting her money where her mouth is.
Instead, Beshir lives in her smart Brooklyn apartment, plotting her next film against Ethiopia, and her false, distant, allegiance to the Oromo of Ethiopia.
Meles Zenawi, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, is one of the agreement's most assertive spokesperson. "Egypt continues to maintain the obsolete notion that it owns the Nile and can dictate the distribution of its waters, and that upstream states are incapable of using the water because they are politically unstable and poverty stricken," he says. "But circumstances have changed."This hearkens back to a fourteenth century Ethiopian Emperor Amde Seyon, who threatened to divert the Blue Nile's course away from Egypt if the Egyptian Muslims didn't stop persecuting their Coptic Christians. What a different interaction there is now. Meles Zenawi, who is an atheist unlike the deeply religious northern Ethiopian Tigray people to which he belongs, has no higher mission for his reaction to Egypt other than hypocritical nationalism and a desire for war. Beware of a leader who marches irrationally or too willfully towards war. It really means that all the saber waving is hiding some deep faults in his rule. Still, if Meles could could get cash for water, would he oblige the Egyptians? How about auctioning off the the air as well? Meles's behavior is getting more and more similar to his predecessor, the communist Mengistu Hail Mariam, who put the country through twenty years of war with the north simply because his will for a greater (communist) Ethiopia wasn't working. Another interesting thought.
Some African journalists are calling it the Nile Revolt: Last May, Ethiopia, Uganda, Rwanda, Kenya and Tanzania signed the Nile Cooperative Framework Agreement, a document that could profoundly change the way the life-giving waters from one of the world's most important rivers are distributed. Congo and Burundi likely will soon add their signatures as well. Only Egypt and Sudan refuse to sign. And the reason they are dragging their feet is obvious: The Agreement would end the virtual monopoly those two Arab-led nations have had on Nile water for generations -- and thereby overturn the politics, economics and demography of northeastern Africa. The Nile is the longest river in the world, 6,000 kilometres from start to finish. As the Greek historian Herodotus once wrote, Egypt is "the gift of the Nile," as it is almost completely dependant on its waters for its survival. This is as true today as it was in the 5th century B.C., when Herodotus wrote his histories. The Nile begins in numerous highland streams in the mountains of Rwanda, in the Ruwenzori range, once dubbed the Mountains of the Moon by the ancient Greeks. These and other streams feed into Lake Victoria, the largest lake in Africa, whose shores are shared by Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. The White Nile drains out of Lake Victoria's northern end and crosses into southern Sudan. There, it moves through miles of verdant swampland, amongst the cattle herding Nuer and Dinka tribes (traditionalists and converts to Christianity) who recently fought a successful 20-year defensive war against the largely Arab and Muslim northern Sudanese, who wanted their water and the oil that lies beneath it. The Nile then threads its way into northern Sudan -- meeting the Blue Nile, whose origins lie in Lake Tana in highland Ethiopia. The combined river then flows through Sudan to Egypt, passing through the Aswan dam, which generates much of Egypt 's electricity and regulates the country's annual floods. There are ecologists and water engineers who argue that the Aswan dam is a failure because of its interference with the Nile's natural regenerative processes, and that it will eventually cause irreparable ecological damage to the entire basin. But that is a minor headache for Cairo. Egypt's biggest problem is control. A few years ago, during a trip to the region, I surveyed the Nile from Cairo and Lake Victoria. I was convinced that one day soon the upstream countries would finally demand their water rights so that they, too, could build local economies around the irrigation that the Nile can provide. That day has come. Egypt and Sudan negotiated the original two Nile river treaties when they were the only independent countries in the Nile basin-- 1929 and 1959. At the time of the latter agreement, Ethiopia was still slowly recovering from its occupation by fascist Italy, while Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda had not yet attained independence. They were still colonies. And so Egypt and Sudan claimed the whole river --with Egypt taking 87%of the Nile water and Sudan 13%. This control includes a veto of any upstream projects. Egypt's Aswan dam, which depends on a steady flow from upstream countries, was constructed in the 1960s, during the political acme of the Arab League, and Sudan supported the project. Egypt's president, Gamal Nasser, then was the chief spokesperson for African socialism, and Africa's Marxist elites saw Egypt as a leader in the liberation and modernization of their continent. But that relationship began to break down. In 1973, in the aftermath of the Yom Kippur War, the Arab League and OPEC submitted the West to an oil embargo. The Arab League promised to provide the countries of sub-Saharan Africa with discounted oil if they broke diplomatic ties with Israel. African nations complied, but later discovered that no discounts were forthcoming. They had been stung. When I was working in Tanzania in the 1990s, many Tanzanians whom I met remembered this betrayal. It was one of many factors that motivated a new group of African rulers to begin to think in national and regional terms, as opposed to the Pan African ideology, which had swept the continent during the euphoric days of independence in the 1960s. They also have a new-found sense of their own history, as Western and African scholars have spent the last 50 years uncovering a distinctively sub-Saharan narrative of the continent, one transformed by the phenomenal rise and spread of the Bantu speaking peoples, as well as other tribal movements (such as those of the Masai) during the last two millennia. It became clear to these new elites that their ancestors had suffered terribly from the East African slave trade, whose main perpetrators were Egyptians, Sudanese and coastal Zanzibaris. Today, they no longer look to Egypt and Sudan as leaders of African politics. Indeed, they see them as more corrupt and autocratic than their own fragile democracies. These new African elites contain a significant number of feminists, and professional African women holding advanced degrees. And so it comes as no surprise that the key Kenyan politician behind the Nile Cooperative Framework Agreement, Charity Kaluki Ngilu, is a woman. Many of these men and women also happen to be devout Christians. They know their Bible better than most Europeans. In my meetings with them, they have expressed a clear understanding of Egypt's role as oppressor in the story of Exodus. They no longer want to render unto Pharaoh. This emerging mentality, one of increasing African self-confidence toward the Arab states to the north, has not been widely reported in the Western press. In essence, the descendants of the enslaved are now confronting the descendants of their enslavers. The Nile Cooperative Framework Agreement is a manifestation of this demand for regional social justice. Meles Zenawi, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, is one of the agreement's most assertive spokesperson. "Egypt continues to maintain the obsolete notion that it owns the Nile and can dictate the distribution of its waters, and that upstream states are incapable of using the water because they are politically unstable and poverty stricken," he says. "But circumstances have changed." Until recently, Ethiopia was using only 1% of the Nile for irrigation -- even though it is a country famous for periodic drought and starvation. But the country has just opened a new dam on Lake Tana, the source of the Blue Nile. It is called Tana Beles, and will generate much needed electricity for the highly stressed Ethiopian electricity grid. Similar projects will add more power -- including Gibe 3, which will be the biggest hydro-electric dam in sub-Saharan Africa. This fight over water could get ugly. Given Sudan's continuing support for the destabilization of Uganda, and al-Qaeda's bombing of the American Embassies in Nairobi and Dar Es Salaam in 1998, the future emergence of more radicalized Islamic regimes in Sudan, and possibly even Egypt, could trigger a military showdown between upstream and downstream countries -- including a sort of hydrological jihad. We have not heard the end of the Nile revolt. gwclarfield@yahoo.com-Geoffrey Clarfield is an anthropologist-at-large.

Here, even then, in my juvenile amateurship, I seemed to know something about perspective. The view is from the steps of the Eglise de la Madeleine, and looks all the way down to Place de la Concorde.
Dear Kidist,
Good to hear from you!
The news from Ethiopia seems confused - both good and horrible things.
[...]
I'll be interested to hear your impressions.
...it is also [existential] (religious/Biblical), another era in Ethiopia where this Jerusalem on the Hill, becomes a land to sabotage.